Mahatma Gandhi has no intention of visiting the United States because he believes he is "not wanted" there, he said in an interview with The New York Times when he landed here. . . .
He explained that he refused to contemplate such a visit unless and until he could feel certain that Americans would receive him as the spokesman for India's cause and not as a social curiosity. His American friends had told him, he added that this was not now possible.
[In reply to another question he said:]
To climatic conditions I am indifferent. If the political weather is favourable, I will go anywhere where I am needed.
I am afraid there is no hope for India at the Round Table Conference as far as external appearances are concerned. But, as an irrepressible optimist, I hope against hope that something will turn up which will alter the aspect of the horizon. But since such a hope is only based on faith, not on reason, it may prove illusory.
I have come to London with neither a programme nor proposals. I have simply accepted the invitation of the British Government, and I am ready to place myself at their disposal, to answer questions and to give them all the information within my power. I have come expecting to remain in London only two weeks, but I am ready, if necessary, to remain two months.
The only engagement I have made is in the nature of a pilgrimage. I have promised to visit my friend, Romain Rolland, the celebrated French writer, who is lying sick at his home near Territet, Switzerland, and whose sister, Madeleine Rolland, was among the old friends who greeted me on my arrival at Marseilles.
Asked if he believed the recent change in the Government of Great Britain would change the British policy toward India, Mr. Gandhi said unhesitatingly:
No. Besides, the new Government has already given me assurances it will carry out the policy of its predecessor, as far as the India Conference is concerned.
With regard to the critical Hindu-Muslim differences, however . . . the Mahatma admitted:
I fear the Hindu-Muslim question has now become almost insoluble for reasons on which I don't wish to enlarge. But I am still not without hope that a solution may be found. It is open to the Muslims to block the way to a settlement of the future of India as it is equally open to the British Government to make their opposition an excuse for not granting India self-government. But if the British Government is in earnest in its desire to make a friendly settlement with India it should not take shelter behind the Muslims.
I asked Mr. Gandhi if he was fully satisfied that Muslims and other racial or religious minorities would receive justice under a swaraj home-rule government, mainly Hindu, as it would be if appointed on a population basis.
He replied that the claims of the minorities must receive the fullest satisfaction in any future settlement. He himself, he recalled, had frequently urged his fellow-Hindus to accept all the Muslim claims, partly on sentimental grounds and partly because he was convinced some of them were unrealizable in practice. But he said emphatically that Muslim opinion must be conciliated and satisfied before swaraj was possible. He confessed, however, that he did not know in the present state of confusion and unrest how this was to be effected.
I then challenged Mr. Gandhi to explain apparent inconsistencies in his attitude regarding the 60,000,000 out cast Hindu 'untouchables', certain of his statements concerning this grave problem having provoked much criticism from his friends, both in India and in America.
Mr. Gandhi said with the greatest earnestness:
Believe me, my attitude on the question of untouchability has never wavered in the slightest degree. My position regarding the untouchables is unanswerable. Before my critics were born I defended the rights of the untouchables. The misunderstanding which arose regarding my attitude was apparently due to the fact that I rebuked the leaders of untouchables' deputation which interviewed me early last year. But I am always rebuking someone, and usually my dearest friends.
What I told this deputation was that I refused to declare publicly that the untouchable classes must be made a 'reserved' subject in any home-rule settlement. I refused because I did not believe it possible. Nor do I today.
But I believe sincerely that no swaraj government could exist for twenty-four hours which continued to uphold the principle of untouchability. No untouchable need fear that his interests under swaraj will be neglected, as they are neglected now. At the present moment the untouchables cannot be protected by the British Government, since the British cannot afford to offend the various interests interested in maintaining untouchability. But a real Indian government would not be forced to surrender to these interests, for it would have a much greater interest to serveΓÇöthat of national unity.
I reaffirm my statement that India's national existence will stand or fall on the question of the untouchables.
